Chapter 2

POLITICS AND THE TRADES COUNCIL

Leaders of the Trades Council, as might be expected, showed an early interest in political affairs.  This was often confused and frequently there was a rejection of what might be called ‘party politics’ and it seems likely that a few of the early leaders may well have supported the Conservative Party.  At this time, in Newcastle, as elsewhere, it was usually the Liberals who enjoyed the support of trade unionists.  After the Liberals had lost one of the two Newcastle seats in 1874, John Devine, the Council secretary said:

“… he could not but regret that through a division in the Liberal ranks the town had been politically disfranchised; … He was sure they ought to be very proud of their Liberal member (Joseph Cowen) when they remembered the political soundness of his orations during the brief campaign.  He doubted very much whether such an exposition of Liberal doctrine had been heard in any town in England.”

Working men continued for many years to support Liberal candidates but they soon began the regular and persistent practice through the Trades Council of petitioning local MPs on matters causing them concern.  In 1876, the Council sought support for the Compensation to Workmen Bill being promoted by Alexander Macdonald, the miner MP, backed by the Parliamentary Committee of the TUC.  The same issue was raised in 1880 when the Employers Liability for Compensation to Workmen Bill was under discussion; the Council resolved:

“That we enter our strong protest against the Bill being sent to a Select Committee, as we look upon such as simply a shelving measure, and authorise our officers to strongly urge upon our local members of Parliament to be in their places and support to the utmost the Bill now before Parliament.”

The Trades Council first sought direct representation by workers on the Newcastle City Council, although this was soon to be followed by pressure for workmen as its MPs.  At its October meeting in 1882 it resolved:

“That, in the interests of labour, the time has now arrived when it is desirable that the working classes should be directly represented on the City Council; we, therefore, form ourselves into a committee (with powers to add to our number) in order to secure the return of Mr JC Laird at the November election; and we respectfully ask the co-operation of all classes to assist in securing the same.”

Local Liberal leaders quickly took a hand in guiding developments and a meeting was called under the chairmanship of R Spence Watson, who stressed the need for candidates to be men who could be available during the day.  The holding of City Council meetings during the working hours prevented almost all the manual workers participating and this policy continued into the twentieth century.  When the president of the Trades Council did win his seat the Shipping World described him as “a Radical and … a strong supporter of Mr John Morley”; and Benjamin Brown, a Conservative and large-scale engineering employer, also supported his return.  Such was the confusing state of political matters as they impinged on industrial life.  The Trades Council was almost creating for itself the role of a selection committee and, while this caused problems which modified their first intentions, they certainly continued to play an important sanctioning role even if they did not actually select candidates. 

Early in the following year, 1883, the Weekly Chronicle suggested that the workmen of the City might like to nominate one of their number to be candidate for a Parliamentary vacancy and mentioned the names of Laird and Elijah Copland.  This resulted in discussions in ad hoc meetings, and a press correspondence; and, finally, a “Labour Representation League” was formed.  Independently, the Trades Council declared its policy in terms not dissimilar from the resolution given above, although now the matter is considered “absolutely necessary” as against “desirable” of the previous year.  The resolution of March 1883 reads as follows:

“That in the opinion of the Council, a large measure of direct representation in Parliament is absolutely necessary in the interests of the working classes and the nation at large, and we believe the time has arrived when the question should pass from the region of abstract discussion to the domain of practical labour politics, and that the workingmen of the district be invited to establish a special fund to enable a labour candidate to contest the City on the first favourable opportunity; and further resolves that the Council can only recognise a labour candidate for Parliamentary representation when such is brought forward by a properly constituted body of representatives from the various factories and workshops of the district.”

Differences between the political and industrial arms were now to emerge which were to haunt local labour affairs for many long years.  At this time Conservative Workingmen’s Clubs were being formed and Elijah Copland referred rather scathingly to the Trades Council’s secretary, TA Kidd, as being involved with one of these.  Throughout 1883, the matter was discussed and finally it was agreed to ask the affiliated trade unions to appoint committees to consider the subject “so that the Council might be strengthened in choosing and supporting working men who may be willing to serve as city councillors or members of Parliament, and thus to bring about a harmonious feeling among the working classes on this important subject.”  There was clearly no immediate prospect of a candidate

Interest in Parliamentary matters was very strong.  In 1884, the Council, in common with other trades councils, was pressing its support for the Merchant Shipping Bill, and received replies from the local MPs.  The minister’s secretary, in replying to the letter to Joseph Chamberlain, expressed his “satisfaction” at the Council’s attitude and continued: “he attaches the more importance to the opinion of the Council as, from their intimate relations with the industries connected with shipping, and their knowledge as residents of a great port, they were able to speak with authority on the question.”  

By 1888, the secretary felt it necessary to ask the Council to establish a Parliamentary Bill Committee; which it did, a group of five men to review new legislation.  It was soon sending its views on the Weekly Wages Bill and the Preferential Payment of Wages Bill to local MPs; it regarded these measures as “necessary for the alleviation of such misery which the present system of payment of wages inflicts upon a large proportion of the industrial population.”  They also discussed Thomas Burt’s Bill on Factory Inspection and legislation on copyright.  This latter matter was raised by the Bookbinders and Printers and discussion was left until a later meeting so that more information could be available.  The Council was rarely rushed into comment on matters brought before it and would often defer topics until they were more fully informed. 

While the Merchandise Mark Bill may seem an unlikely subject for the Council to discuss, its industrial employment aspects were self-evident to the Council; and, when John Morley declared himself not sufficiently acquainted with the matter, a delegate’s retort reflected the general attitude within the Council.  The delegate declared to cries of “hear, hear”, “the question of Home Rule was a great question; but the question of bread and butter was of more importance.” This attitude was reflected in regard to the Boer War.  An attempt to discuss the war in 1901 was stopped by the Chairman on the grounds that it was “impossible to discuss the matter when the war was not over.”

The ‘Khaki Election’ of 1900 once again saw the Trades Council expressing its concern overwhelmingly with matters of industrial conditions and welfare.   Members of the Council visited many of the candidates to discuss the following questions:

1. Are you in favour and will you support:
2. nationalisation of the land
3. nationalisation of minerals
4. nationalisation of the railways.
5. A bill to enforce the extension and cheapening of workmen’s trains.
6. A bill to give greater facilities to local authorities to procure land on which to build workmen’s dwellings.
7. A bill to empower local authorities to put into force the betterment principle.
8. That in all Government departments the trade union rate of wages be paid and the recognised hours and conditions of the district be observed. These conditions to be made compulsory in all Government contracts. 
9. Old age pensions for all at 60.
10. Sir Charles Dilke’s ‘Shop Hours Bill’.
11. The amendment of the Conspiracy laws, making the blacklisting of workmen by the employers illegal, with full protection of the Union’s funds against distraint for any acts committed by its officials.
12. A legalised 8 hour day or 48 hour week.
13. Returning officers’ expenses paid out of the rates.

It is difficult to estimate accurately the effects of such activities on political actions, but it is clear that, at this time, local MPs and indeed the Government were constantly made aware of the attitudes of the leaders of workingmen on the issues of the day.  Within the regular Council meetings, workingmen, in an organised manner, discussed the legislation related to industrial life, formulated their views and gained experiences which later enabled many of them to participate in local administration and Parliament itself. 

The Trades Council was a most important forum for working class political debate.  Political views were certainly not of one standpoint.  The tendency to reject ‘party politics’ was reflected when, in October 1890, a visit by AJ Balfour, the Conservative leader, to the City was raised, despite objections at a Council meeting.  The Chairman overruled the objectors on the grounds that “they, as a trades council, did not take any part in any political movement.”

A much more serious problem arose in 1892 when the Trades Council had to consider a letter of protest from Hull Trades Council in regard to the conduct of their secretary.  The shipwright, JJ Harris, had recently spoken from a Conservative platform at Hull and his resignation was immediately presented to the Council.  One delegate declared that Harris had made “a great mistake” in having anything to do with politics, he was there to represent his trade.  The tone of the discussion was such that the radical president, the stonemason W Flynn, hastened to explain that, when he spoke recently at Jarrow in support of the labour candidate, he was doing so in his personal capacity and not as President of the Trades Council.  This situation caused considerable confusion amongst local societies.  Predictably, Harris’s Shipwrights’ union branch withdrew from the Council, as did a branch of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE), the Bricklayers and the Felling Coopers.  There were further withdrawals by the next meeting: the Steam Engine Makers; another ASE branch; Metal Planers, Shapers and Slotters; Carpenters and Joiners; and the Tobacco Pipemakers Society. 

The matter continued to be discussed at the next meeting where it was pointed out that the Council had taken political action during the last general election.  The chairman was confidently declaring that the various branches would return and welcomed the affiliation of the French Polishers and reported the likely affiliation of five or six new branches.  Efforts were made to quiet the fears existing in some quarters by the statement that: “Party politics had always been tabooed there and no delegate or society could say anything to the contrary.  No candidate, Liberal or Conservative, had ever been advocated there and he hoped they never would.”  This was perhaps slightly misleading in that the general tenor of the Council’s support for radical policy had been fairly consistent, and it is highly likely that, by this time, Flynn was hoping for more open endorsement of labour candidates.  The Council agreed to circulate all societies with a full explanation of the situation.  The tide of withdrawals was not yet stopped even if one delegate could claim that the withdrawal of the National [Amalgamated] Labourers’ Union was “a fluke”.  Another ASE branch withdrew, as well as the Electrical Trades Union and the Gateshead Coopers.  Ironically, the delegate was asked by the Liberal Workingmen’s Club to support John Morley, this letter was greeted with “laughter” and no decision.  Existing records do not show how quickly the disaffiliations returned but it seems likely they did. 

‘Working class justices of the peace’ was a demand raised in late 1880s as part of the general efforts to play a more significant part in civic life.  A petition was drawn up by the Parliamentary Bills committee and the Council “regretted the hostile spirit in which the question of a working man magistrate … has [been] taken up by certain members of the City Council and thanks … those who support them ....”  Three months later, an animated discussion followed the letters from the Lord Chancellor and Morley on this issue; several delegates spoke in “strong terms”. 

On the City Council, Laird played an active role and, in particular, he stoutly defended the retention of the Town Moor by the City Fathers even to the point of opposing a grant of land to Armstrong College.  The Trades Council began to advocate working-class representation on school boards and gave particular attention to the problem of financial resources both to fight campaigns and to compensate men for loss of wages in carrying out public functions.  At the annual general meeting, in 1886, the Council resolved to constitute itself into a committee “for the purpose of raising a fund to advocate and support labour candidates to fill positions in the various local legislative bodies and also to remunerate them for the loss of time in attending to their duties.”  Unfortunately, we do not know how much was raised, but in 1890, there was a balance in the Labour Representation Fund of £58-5s-10d, while earlier that year there was a special appeal for £20 to cover election expenses. 

In the local elections of 1890, the Council supported three candidates, their president W Flynn at Gateshead, their secretary JJ Harris and the leader of the Labourers’ Union, William Stanley.  The conflicts between the Joiners and Shipwrights caused one delegate to object most strongly to Harris.  Little success was gained: Flynn polled 212 votes but Harris and Stanley got fewer than a hundred.  The Council also expressed support for the more Socialist-oriented candidates Stewart and Copland, who were also unsuccessful.  Both Flynn and Harris were elected in the following year.  The Newcastle Daily Chronicle commented: “Whatever animation there was in Newcastle over municipal affairs, yesterday (election day) was entirely due to the action of the Trades Council.”  Harris announced his intention of reporting the “doings of the City Council” to his colleagues. 

During the winter of 1892, the Trades Council was campaigning to secure 6d an hour for those employed by the City on relief work.  One of the chief issues at this time was to prevent the leasing of the tramways to private operators and so securing the municipalisation of the City transport services.  This issue was to the fore in 1897, when the demand formed part of the election manifesto; support also came from a local ratepayers’ Tramway League, and the Trades Council’s secretary, Wilkinson, was selected as a candidate by the Municipal Reform Committee. 

The practice of a list of questions to candidates was used on this, as on other, occasions, and it represents a statement of the Council’s policies on local affairs.  One of these forms survives, that used in 1906, and the questions are very similar to those used in other years.  Two copies were provided for each candidate, one to be retained for reference.  A surprising feature of this document is the many references to ratepayers; these are seen as representatives of the total populace.  The steady campaign for elementary matters overlooked in regard to workers is reflected here, firstly that Sunday was their only real day for recreation, hence music in the parks and the possibility of using the libraries; and secondly the need for public business to be conducted in the evening.  The City did take control of the Tramways, and the Trades Council president, in 1899, claimed, with some measure of justification that credit for this was due to the Trades Council.  During its first thirty years, the Trades Council played no small part in local politics and, as in the case of national politics brought before all candidates the issues concerning workingmen.